Category: Programs

MIT Sloan trek shows MBA students opportunities to work in policy — Valerio Riavez

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If you’re interested in policy work at an institution like the World Bank, the Federal Reserve, or the IMF, a PhD is required. At least that’s what MBA students have long thought. However, a recent MIT Sloan career trek to Washington, D.C. revealed that this is no longer the case.

As these institutions don’t typically participate in on-campus recruiting, it can be challenging for business school students to learn about policy jobs. That’s why the MIT Sloan Finance and Policy Club organized a trek for 25 students to Washington, D.C. We wanted to learn more about job options for MBA and Master of Finance (MFin) students, make connections, and get a glimpse of what living in D.C. is like.

We began the trek at the World Bank Group. Most MBAs are familiar with the IFC, which is the private sector development arm of the WB and an active recruiter of business students. However, during this visit we learned that the World Bank Group is also increasingly hiring people without PhDs. The World Bank has an elite program called the Young Professionals Program (YPP) through which it hires and forms the next generation of WB leaders. We were particularly surprised to learn that the majority of YPP hires actually do not have a PhD.

In the afternoon, we headed over to the Federal Reserve where we visited the boardroom and participated in a Q&A session with a senior economist. We sat around the very table where Janet Yellen, Ben Bernanke, and Alan Greenspan made some of the most significant monetary decisions in the history of global economics. For a policy fan, I must admit it was pretty cool.

A takeaway at the Fed was that jobs are mostly reserved for U.S. citizens. Foreign students are generally ruled out unless they are transferred from another central bank through an exchange program. There is a fierce screening process for all jobs at the Fed because it is a central bank and its activities are at the core of national interests.

We also learned how after the financial crisis, the Fed began looking more to private-sector practitioners to work on unconventional monetary policy endeavors to get the economy back on track. When central banks had to design and implement their quantitative easing, they had to rethink how to intervene in financial markets. To do that, they brought in people with experience in the private sector and exposure to financial markets. For students interested in finance at a policy institution, that is an untapped recruiting resource.

In addition to that good news, we saw that this trend seems to extend to other central banks and financial policy institutions, which are increasingly interested in people with business acumen – meaning a PhD is not always required. The governors of central banks still have PhDs, but the world is changing and private sector experience and exposure to financial markets today are crucial for these institutions. As a result, departments involved in quantitative easing are increasingly comprised of MBAs.

We ended our trek with visits to many landmarks in Washington, D.C., including the Library of Congress, the Washington Monument, the Lincoln Memorial, and the Kennedy Center. On our final night, we visited the Saudi ambassador’s home where we enjoyed a traditional Saudi reception and a great discussion about the economy in the Middle East with the ambassador and members of the Washington diplomatic community.

As most of us are still exploring opportunities for after graduation, meeting with MIT alumni in D.C. also helped us have a better grasp of what life is like in the city. After seeing all of the great policy opportunities available to MBA graduates and touring the city, it’s definitely a place to keep on the radar.

Valerio Riavez is a native of Italy and dual degree student at MIT Sloan and the Harvard Kennedy School. He holds a Master’s Degree in economics and previously worked in both the public and private sector in finance. He is co-president of the MIT Sloan Finance and Policy Club.

Understanding the Role of Financial Constraints in the M&A Market

Professor Andrey Malenko

A decision to expand by acquiring another business is one of the important decisions that a firm’s stakeholders make. Consider a mature firm, such as a big pharmaceutical company, contemplating an acquisition of a growing company, such as a small biotech firm. This decision has three aspects to it: (1) whether to initiate a bid for the target now or later; (2) how much to bid; and (3) what form should the bid take (cash, stock of the combined firm, or more exotic forms). In a recent research paper, Alexander Gorbenko from London Business School and I develop a theoretical framework to analyze how these decisions are interconnected. Within this framework, we explore a number of research questions. First, what role does bidders’ ability to pay in cash play in acquisition activity? The M&A activity has experienced a boom-and-bust pattern, and our goal is to understand whether fluctuations in financial constraints of the bidders could be linked to these dynamics. Second, what determines whether the firm gets acquired, and if it does, at what stage of its life-cycle does it occur? In particular, how are acquisitions of small targets different from acquisitions of targets that have already grown? Finally, how do deals done in cash and in stock differ?

In the perfect world with no frictions, bids in cash and in stock would be equivalent both for the bidder and for the target. If both parties agree on the monetary value of the bid in stock, there is no difference between getting paid in stock and getting an equivalent payment in cash. This is no longer true in the presence of information asymmetries between the bidder and shareholders of the target. To see why, consider the following simple numerical example. Suppose there are two bidders, A and B, who compete to acquire company X. Both bidders have assets in place worth of $100, but differ in their ability to add value to firm X. Specifically, firm X will be worth $25 if it is acquired by A, and $100 if it is acquired by B. These values are private information of each bidder.

Suppose that A and B compete by making cash bids in an open ascending-bid auction. Then, A is willing to bid up to $25 – the price at which A breaks even. Similarly, B is willing to bid up to $100. As a consequence, B wins the auction and acquires X for $25 – the price that A is no longer willing to increase. Now, instead, suppose that A and B compete by making bids in the form of stock of the combined company. In this case, A  is willing to offer up to 20% of the combined entity – this is the offer at which shareholders of A are indifferent between owning the remaining 80%  of the combined firm worth $125 and owning 100%  of the stand-alone firm A worth $100. By a similar logic, B is willing to offer up to 50% of the combined entity. As a result, B acquires the target and pays the maximum bid of A, which is 20% of the combined entity. The value of this bid is $40 (20% of $200), which is 60% higher than $25 that B would pay if it bid in cash.

By this reasoning, the ability of bidders to pay cash helps bidders to pay less and hence capture more value from acquisitions. Does it imply that more cash-constrained bidders make fewer acquisitions? It turns out that not necessarily. In particular, the answer depends on whether the bidder is expected to stay cash-constrained for a sufficiently long time, and how high its synergies with targets are. To see why, consider, first, a transitory negative shock to cash constraints: Suddenly, a bidder is no longer able to pay its bids in cash, but it is expected to become less constrained in the near future. In this case, it clearly benefits from postponing bidding for the target until financial conditions get better. Thus, a short-term tightening of cash constraints indeed reduces acquisition activity.

Instead, consider now a permanent shock to cash constraints: Suddenly, a bidder is no longer able to pay its bids in cash, and it is expected to stay constrained until, perhaps, distant future. Or, equivalently, consider a bidder that is constrained because of the nature of its ownership, for example, if it is a private company. In this case, postponing bidding can be less beneficial for the constrained bidder than for the unconstrained bidder. Intuitively, by acquiring the target while it is still small, the bidder can capture a higher fraction of surplus generated in the takeover. This is because by how much bidding in stock is more expensive than bidding is cash depends on how large the target is. If the target is small, there is little difference between cash and stock bids. This is not the case if the target is large, when stock bids can be considerably costlier than cash bids. In the example above, if the target were twice bigger, the winning cash bid would be $50, but the value of the winning stock bid would be $100.[1]

Thus, when deciding whether to bid for a target a constrained bidder faces the following trade-off. On one hand, bidding in stock generates less value than if the bidder were unconstrained. This factor discourages the bidder from bidding. On the other hand, there is a benefit to acquiring the target preemptively, while it is still small, which encourages the bidder to bid. We show that the latter effect dominates if the target grows very quickly and if synergies that a bidder realizes from acquiring the target are large enough. If one of these two conditions does not hold, the former effect dominates, and permanent cash constraints discourage acquisitions.

Our analysis implies that “mega-mergers” are rarely successful for shareholders of the acquirer. This happens due to a combination of two factors. First, because such deals are so large, even the most unconstrained acquirers bid, at least partially, in stock. However, bids in stock make it hard for the acquirer to capture value in the deal if the target is large. Second, such deals tend to be low-synergy, simply because if they were high-synergy, they would have happened in the past.

The analysis also has implications for the relation between means of payments in a deal, total value created in it, and the split between the acquirer and the target. Empirically, acquisition premium in deals done in stock is on average lower than in deals done in cash. This is consistent with our theory. Intuitively, high-synergy targets are acquired early when they are still small. Because they are small, acquirers can usually afford paying cash for them. In contrast, low-synergy targets are acquired, if at all, after they grow enough, in order to outweigh the cost of doing the deal. Because such targets are large, bidding in cash is often not an option for acquirers, so such deals are often done, at least partially, in stock. Thus, cash deals tend to be high-synergy, while stock deals tend to be low-synergy, so average premium paid in cash deals is often higher than in stock deals, despite the fact that a bidder in any given deal may find it more expensive to pay in stock.

Andrey Malenko is an Assistant Professor of Finance at MIT Sloan School of Management.

[1] A offers up to 50/100+50 of the combined company. Hence, the value of B’s winning bid is 50/100 ($100+$200) = $100. Hence, the value of the winning stock bid would exceed the winning cash bid by 100% , not by 60% , as before.

MIT Sloan community in NYC gathers for Finance Day

“Pioneers of finance” present research to alumni, students

M2012 Finance DayIT Sloan’s top finance faculty shared new research and led engaging discussions April 20 in New York City, when the School welcomed more than 300 alumni and current and incoming students to its first Finance Day.

At the event, faculty discussed MIT Sloan’s commitment to train the new generation of finance professionals, its role in policy analysis, and the School’s growing finance course and degree offerings, including a new Master of Finance (M.Fin.) program, a complement to the already successful MBA Finance Track.

“We intend to capitalize not just on the MIT finance tradition, but on the MIT tradition broadly defined,” said Andrew Lo, Charles E. and Susan T. Harris Professor of Finance, noting MIT’s leading work in economics, mathematics, operations research, and other fields. Earlier this month Lo was named one of TIME Magazine’s 100 Most Influential People in the World for his theory of adaptive markets and his work developing the federal Office of Financial Research.

Lo called MIT Sloan home to “pioneers of finance,” including Robert Merton, School of Management Distinguished Professor of Finance, Stewart Myers, Robert C. Merton (1970) Professor of Financial Economics, and Stephen Ross, Franco Modigliani Professor of Financial Economics. Myers emceed Finance Day, while Merton and Ross presented research on credit risk and market prediction, respectively. Merton received the Nobel Memorial Prize in Economics in 1997 for developing a new method to determine the value of derivatives.

“Every day there are new insights that these pioneers provide to us,” Lo said. “The M.Fin. program is meant to take that Sloan finance franchise and expand it in a very significant way.”

“Our view is that while there may have been a number of problems in the financial industry—finance itself is not the problem,” Lo said. “In fact, it will ultimately have to be the solution.”

Other presentations at Finance Day included an exploration of how economic booms and busts shape the career paths of CEOs, from Professor Antoinette Schoar, Michael M. Koerner (1949) Professor on Entrepreneurship, and a panel discussion on financial reform featuring Ricardo Caballero, Ford International Professor of Economics at MIT, Blackrock co-founder and chief risk officer Bennett Golub, SB ’78, SM ’82, Ph.D. ’84, U.S. Commodity Futures Trading Commission chief economist Andrei Kirilenko, and Deborah Lucas, MIT Sloan Distinguished Professor of Finance.

MIT and MIT Sloan have an influential history in finance, led by groundbreaking work from Nobel prize-winning economists and other living legends on the faculty. In addition to the Finance Track in the MBA program and a doctoral offering, the School in 2009 launched the intensive one-year Master of Finance.

The financial collapse of 2008 exposed a dearth of properly trained economists working in the financial industry and has led to a policy and regulation quandary that calls for the input of the highly trained financial professionals MIT Sloan creates. The number of MIT Sloan graduates entering the financial sector has been on the rise since 2009.

“We’re growing,” Myers told the crowd, which engaged in a series of insightful question and answer sessions with faculty throughout the day. “The full-time faculty is 18 instead of single digits years ago. We’re now offering 33 different finance courses at MIT, instead of probably single digits year ago.”

Myers urged the alumni at Finance Day to sponsor and encourage colleagues to apply to MIT Sloan’s finance programs, consider hiring graduates, and otherwise be a part of the School’s extensive and influential network of experts and leaders throughout the financial industry.

“As this illustrates,” Myers said, “we’re also reaching out to alumni, friends, and practitioners, anyone who has an interest in finance and is willing to listen to us and talk to us.”